Programs to Improve Education in the US

Programs to Improve Education in the US Chapter 1: Introduction Topic. The current education debate in the U.S. has centered on preparing all scholars to be college and career ready by equipping them with scholastic, technical, and employability competences by the time they graduate high school (Hein, Smerdon, Lebow Agus, 2012; Stone Lewis, 2012). However, the competences gap between what employers seek and what scholars-future labor market candidates-possess has raised concerns about how the educational system prepares high school scholars to become college and career ready to meet the needs of the labor market (Stone Lewis, 2012). Without providing the scholastic, technical and employability competences that will help American teens transition smoothly into careers and college, many teens will continue to be underprepared for the labor market while employers react by grieving the existence of a competences gap among labor market candidates (Halpern, 2009; Stone Lewis, 2012). Lerman (2008) agrees that that policymakers have attempted to address the competences gaps and workplace changes, due to global labor market changes, by enhancing educational attainment through more requirements scholastic initiatives. These achievements though, have neglected the possibility for other learning models. Lerman thus alleged that more schooling does not make you more successful for careers. Similarly, Cappelli (2008) affirmed that, while education is a good fundamental for success, having scholars take more rigorous scholastic courses will not ensure that they will be prepared for the labor market and that should be a cause for distress. Cappelli (2008) has further alleged that there is a problem with competences gaps which ultimately lays in scholars work-based skills. Thus, while scholastic competences are considerable, employers are fascinated in how scholars can translate their education into productive practices in the workplace. Overview of the Research Problem Research shows that, despite reforms to raise scholastic achievement among high school scholars, approximately 40% of American teens, do not attend or complete college (Lerman, 2009) and subsequently enter the labor market inadequately prepared (Stone Lewis, 2012). When the focus is getting more teens into college, despite the evidence that a large majority of scholars do not complete their degrees or get jobs in their fields, society risks creating scholars who neglect their vocational futures since their choices may lack a clear connection to their goals. Scholars sometimes enter college with no clear direction (Zimmer-Gembeck Mortimer, 2006). Halpern (2009) agrees that the implicit assumption in the U.S. that everyone needs some type of traditional, post-secondary education to be abundance in the labor market since most of the educational reforms have rested on the belief that all scholars should be encouraged to pursue college degrees. Symonds, Schwarz, and Ferguson (2011) and Skills (2010) agrees that identifying alternative career pathways is essential to preparing scholars as the traditional, scholastic, classroom-based method is not suitable for the majority of American teens as it often causes such scholars to disengage from learning and graduate from school without the competences to succeed in careers or higher education. In that regard, when scholars are well prepared for careers or education, high levels of unemployment are reduced, scholars are given a sense of purpose and direction, and the time spent floundering after high school is reduced (Hamilton, 1990; Taylor Watt-Malcolm, 2007). Focusing on college and career readiness means that all scholars at the high school level can be engaged in relevant learning experiences that meet their needs and learning styles, and ultimately the needs of the labor market (Stone Lewis, 2012). Recent reports by Center for Social Organization of Schools tell us that only 75% of scholars leave high school with a diploma. In nearly 2,000 of the nations high schools, graduation is not the norm. Only 69.2% of the scholars graduate after four years (Barton, 2007; Center for Social Organization of Schools, 2008; edweek. org, 2009). Many scholars enrolled in schools are not fully engaged in the educational process due to lack of a clear connection between high school work and personal goals (Bottoms Young, 2008). The Partnership for 21st Century Skills revealed in its 2007 survey that 80% of voters say the competences scholars need to learn to prepare for 21st Century careers differ from what they needed 20 years ago (Partnership for 21ST Century Skills, 2010, and Vockley-Lang, 2007). Community and industry stakeholders also believe schools need to do a better job of keeping up with changing educational needs (Barton, 2007, Partnership for 21st Century Skills, 2010 and Vockley-La ng, 2007, Walker, 2008). Successful learning to achieve life and career success requires active engagement. Engagement is defined as a school participants involvement in both learning and overall activities. Since a scholars engagement is often measured by a scholars overall achievement and school involvement, a closer look is required. Engagement is considerable for all scholars in school, whether urban, suburban, or rural, and regardless of socioeconomic background. Disengagement is a higher order factor composed of correlating factors occurring over a gradual period (Balfanz, Herzog, MacIver, 2007. Scholars may experience a loss of scholastic motivation, which leads to detachment from school and its expectations, while reducing effort and classroom involvement. Scholars in prosperous environments, when they become disengaged, may learn less than they could or miss opportunities; however, they are often provided supplemental chances to meet expectations. The consequences of disengagement vary within different socioeconomic background. The scholars most affected are from disadvantaged backgrounds, in high poverty, and urban high schools. These scholars are less likely to graduate and h ave fewer opportunities for second chances and future success (National Academy of Sciences, 2003). According to Reschly and Appleton, Engagement is the primary theoretical model for understanding the dropout and is, frankly, the bottom line in interventions to promote school completion (Reschly Appleton, 2008). Career and Technical Education programs engage scholars by providing opportunities for them to learn competences that lead to industry credentials or certification (Office of Vocational and Adult Education, 2008). Despite current federal initiatives to spur reforms in American education such as the No Child Left Behind Act of 2001 (NCLB) and Race to the Top (2009), both containing goals of making American teens competitive in the global economy, the competences gap in the United States (U.S.) has not increased (Cappelli, 2008; Christman, 2012; Lerman, 2012). A mismatch between the competences employers want and what scholars-potential employees-present in the labor market continues to exist. scholars, employers, and demographic changes, concerns with high school dropout and scholastic achievement, high college incompletion rates, and a competences gap in the labor market have generated interest in how best to engage scholars and make them college and career ready (Alfeld, Charner, Johnson Watts, 2013; Darche, Nayar Bracco, 2009b; Guy, Sitlington, Larsen Frank, 2009; Lerman, 2012; Stone Lewis, 2012). This challenge has caused policy makers, educators, and employers to seek solutions to the education and training of scholars that enhance their competences to meet employer needs. Calls have been made for educators to provide multiple career pathways for American teens and to provide work based learning activities that promote practical, and scholastic, learning (Symonds, Schwartz Ferguson, 2011). Statement of the Problem Over the past couple of years, several educational initiatives (No Child Left Behind Act of 2001 [NCLB]; Race to the Top, 2009) have been developed to increase the scholastic achievement and presumably the competitive advantage of American high school scholars. Despite the well-placed intentions of these initiatives, concern still exists that the educational system is not adequately preparing scholars with the competences needed to enter the labor market or to pursue higher education as the effects of these reforms have been modest (Lerman, 2008; Stone Lewis, 2012). The educational policy that emphasizes high-stakes testing and advancing the number of scholars entering science, technology, engineering, and math (STEM) fields has marginalized a considerable proportion of high school scholars whose learning styles, and scholastic and career interests, do not align with educational reforms or the needs of the labor market (Lerman, 2008; Symonds, W. C., Schwartz, R. B., Ferguson R., 20 11; Stone Lewis; 2012; Trilling Fadel, 2009). Thus, even though enhancing schools is necessary, there is not a sufficient response to the labor market and global and technological changes. This study sought to address the gaps in the literature on internship programs targeted at teens in the United States. Notably, while internships have been abundance in other developed countries, little research has been conducted in recent years on internships targeted at adolescents in the U.S. Research on internships in the U.S. has focused on adult internships typically in their mid- to late twenties Hence, this study sought to address the gaps in the literature on the internship program targeted at teens in the United States. Deficiencies and Limitations in the Evidence This case study will provide an in-depth description of one internship program. The study focused on one program could be perceived as a limitation. Although the findings may apply to other organizations, generalizations of the findings to other contexts such as an established program or another industry may have severe limitations. A single case would provide additional insights and boost the findings of the study. Purpose of the Study This study will describe an internship program targeted at adolescents and aimed at addressing the employer skill needs. Examining the experiences of scholars, employers and educators engaged in internships. In the Career Technical and Education programs of the 21st century scholastic competences are stressed. In North occupations, educators, and Technical Education educators are accountable for both the skill proficiencies and scholastic gain of Career and Technical Education scholars. The indicators that require the blending of scholastic and Career and Technical Education are mandated through Perkins funding that North Carolina receives to fund local and state Career and Technical Education achievements. Accountability in Career and Technical Education is guided by the Carl Perkins Career and Technical Education Act of 2006 and other legislation, including No Child Left Behind. North Carolina is required to establish performance indicators in eight areas: 1S1: scholastic attainment: reading and language arts, 1S2: scholastic attainment: mathematics, 2S1: Technical attainment, 3S1: Completion, 4S1: Graduation rate, 5S1: Positive placement, 6S1: Nontraditional participation, 6S2: Nontraditional completion, Performance indicators 1S1, 1S2, and 4S1 are tied directly to No Child Left Behind. Because of this accountability model in place for North Carolinas Career and Technical Education programs, scholar enrollment is a major concern because enrollment can affect the formulas used to calculate performance levels. The context of this case study of an industry education partnership, will take place in one public school district in North Carolina, its 28 schools serves approxiately 17,370 scholars. The Career and Technical Education department offers courses such as Apparel, Robotics/Tech Ed., Furniture/Cabinetmaking, Accounting, Health Science, Agriculture, Culinary, Marketing, and Business. At the turn of the twenty-first century, the most considerable legislation in school reform was passed into law. The No Child Left Behind Act of 2001 (NCLB, 2001), promoted higher achievement standards, required schools to hire highly qualified educators, allowed for school choice, and changed school district spending. This sweeping reform in the education system caused considerable change and placed more focus on scholastic achievement using standards-based curriculum with standardized testing in core scholastic subjects (Rush Sherff, 2012). Since this change in education reform has occurred, a shortage of workforce ready individuals along with decreased confidence in the viability of Career and Technical Education programming exists (Gray, 2002; Bray, 2011). Further, high schools are forced to offer more rigorous, scholastic-focused courses to meet standards and high stakes testing requirements, forcing schools to forgo what has been a historically considerable part of secondary education (Siegel, 2009). Such focus on standards and raising the threshold for test scores results in insufficient time for hands-on activities and cooperative learning. Further, the standards for high stakes testing, as required by the No Child Left Behind Act, narrow the enterprise of education (Lewis, 2002; Parkison 2009). At the school, district, and state levels under NCLB, schools needs for meeting NCLB expectations have damaged the impact of Career and Technical Education programs. Some professionals view Career and Technical Education programs as an extra and therefore Career and Technical Education programs maintain diminished value in helping to raise school achievement scores or encourage scholar success. Because of this perception, school administrators have been forced to reduce parts or entire Career and Technical Education programs from their scholastic offerings, decreasing the value and quality of Career and Technical Education programs (Haussmann, 2012). The United States is experiencing a shortage in workforce ready high school graduates due, in part, to the change in curricular offerings in high schools across the country (McNamara, 2009). Employers have determined that teens entering the workforce lack basic soft competences such as teamwork, interpersonal communication, and organizational competences. McNamaras (2009) findings report that more than 80% of employers were concerned about soft competences deficiencies among workers. On the technical side, secondary indicators for scholastic success included industry standards (Gordon, 2008). The increased funding on a local level has strengthened technical competences of scholars through integration and provide experiences in all aspects of an industry (Gordon, 2008). Besides, integration of curriculum and a broad program of study, the Perkins Act also sought to improve, expand, and modernize Career and Technical Education programs. The funding provided for modernization of current Career and Technical Education programs has been given to provide activities to prepare special populations and mainstream populations for high-skill, high-wage, and high-demand occupations that lead to self-sufficiency (Gordon, 2008). Throughout the last two decades, there has been a renewed belief that Career and Technical Education can impact the scholastic performance of scholars. Daggett suggested that scholars need both scholastic and Career and Technical Education competences. Daggett (2013) stated: If Career and Technical Education is to remain a viable program in secondary schools, it is essential that Career and Technical Education leaders and educators be able to prove that Career and Technical Education contributes not just to the applied workplace competency demands of business but also to the scholastic proficiencies of its served scholar populations on state scholastic tests. While schools are aiming to integrate and modernize their Career and Technical Education programs to prepare scholars for these occupations, industry has helped shape their mission. Employers have been willing to pay higher salaries for higher levels of competences and certifications in the nonprofessional workforce (Ausman, 2009). Some schools and programs have recognized this and have reached out to industry to match the needs of their scholars success and the needs of industry. Programs such as High Schools That Work (HSTW) have sought to increase scholars readiness for college and better prepare their scholars who would seek immediate employment (Gibbs, 2006). These programs help meet the needs of industry, while also matching the rigorous ambitions of current legislation for schools under No Child Left Behind (Gibbs, 2006). In the PBS documentary Making Schools Work, Joyce Phillips, principal of Corbin High Schools in Kentucky, shared that nearly 80% of all high school scholars need a hook something that makes them want to come to school and have a desire to learn. She believed programs integrating high scholastic standards and rigor, and a comprehensive program for Career and Technical Education focusing on certification and skill development, are the answer to hooking those 80% high school scholars (Gibbs, 2006). Integrating competences-based technical education with scholastic rigor in the traditional curriculum such as reading, writing, math, and science can give these scholars an opportunity in a variety of arenas following completion of high school. Hiring trainable employees is becoming increase difficult because most scholars seeking employment have little work history, limited educational credentials, and a brief rà ©sumà © (Ausman, 2009). Experts predicted in 2010 over 80% of jobs would require scholars to have additional training beyond a high school diploma (Ausman, 2009). Current programs and curriculum in Career and Technical Education are cognizant of this alarming statistic and the need to provide scholars with competences and training in industry besides scholastic preparation for college and beyond (Ausman, 2009). Despite Career and Technical Education of the past being thought of as a track for scholars who would not need the scholastic rigor and demands of the college preparatory curriculum, research has proven that Career and Technical Education engages and motivates scholars by giving them real world opportunities and challenges that will enhance and provide connection to their education (Harris Wakelyn, 2007). Recently, employers have communicated with educators to tell schools what competences are needed, and these collaborative achievements often include the scholastic rigor necessary to prepare for schooling beyond high school (Ausman, 2009). It is now estimated that over half of all scholars choosing to take part in some Career and Technical Education curriculum at their school are taking the bulk of their courses within the college preparatory curriculum (Harris Wakelyn, 2007). The achievements of schools to restructure curriculum and increase rigor come in the wake of high dropout rates and stagnant college completion rates over the past several years (Harris Wakelin, 2007). Entrepreneurial philanthropists such as Bill Gates have been challenging public schools over the past decade to include more relevant experiences and real-world practical application to their curriculum, which some find obsolete. At a 2005 conference, Mr. Gates stated that nearly 70% of all scholars who dropped out of high school claim they would have stayed more engaged and not dropped out if the school offered more engaging, real world learning opportunities (Harris Wakelyn, 2007). This call to action was just what Career and Technical Education programs across the country needed to hear because of their ability to give scholars the opportunity to learn in applied settings (Harris Wakelyn, 2007). Organizations no longer bear the primary responsibility for their workers career development, instead expecting each individual to take on that responsibility (Adamson, 1997; Conlon, 2003; Graham Nafukho, 2004. Career Development, which has a long history and rich theoretical base and human resource development, a relatively young field of study still developing and refining its theoretical base (Lynham, 2000; Swanson, 2001; Torraco, 2004;). Contrary to what many people believe, theory is not intended to be haughty pontification about a scholarly topic. Instead, the development of theory, specifically in emerging fields such as Human Resource Development, should lead to explanations that aid practitioners and scholars alike in using and explaining issues that impact people and organizations. The refinement of theory is also an considerable aspect of theory building and in the established field of career development scholars are now calling for the convergence of existing career development theory into a framework to address the current theoretical inadequacies (Savickas, 2001; Zunker, 2002). The Carl D. Perkins Act (2006) specified that local education agencies applying for federal funding illustrate in their local planning systems how career guidance and scholastic counseling be provided to Career and Technical Education scholars including linkages to future education and training opportunities (US Department of Education, 2012). A career development coordinator can work with Career and Technical Education scholars to develop realistic plans of study, assist with registration, and serve as an advocate for Career and Technical Education scholars. During middle school scholars explore and understand a variety of careers while developing a scholar portfolio that includes career interest inventories, learning style inventories, and the development of four year plans. The transition from middle to high school can present challenges for scholars due to the increased in rigorous coursework and scholar expectations (Breakthrough Collaborative, 2011). Therefore, effective career development and advisement activities are an influential factor in Career and Technical Education course selections in secondary education. Career development and advisement activities can be provided from a variety of individuals including parents, educators, and counselors. In their study, Manzi, Palma, and Schultheiss (2005) found that to strengthen the connection between school and future result, choices, and school counselors could provide children with experiences that more clearly link scholastic subject areas with various occupations. This concept supports the notion of a program of study that combines a rigorous Career and Technical Education and scholastic curriculum directed by a scholars career interest. According to Kalchik and Oertle (2012) program of study provi de a means for exploring options, organizing course selections and planning for transition while developing knowledge and competences. Despite the presumed relationship between Career and Technical Education and career development, a gap continues to exist between the two because Career and Technical Education courses alone do not provide the essential components available within a career development program (Kalchik Oertle, 2012). Therefore, comprehensive career development plans that incorporate scholastic and career courses meet the college and career readiness goals outlined in the Common Core State Standards (CCSS, n. d.). A comprehensive career development program assists with the development of programs of study that are developed at the eighth grade with the help of the school counselor and parents with the scholar prior to transitioning to high school. However, emphasis on career development that could help steer Career and Technical Education programs have not been greatly emphasized in our educational systems, although early educators stressed the importance of vocational competences to a childs overall development (Gutek, 2011; Lewis, M. V., Kosine, N. R., Overman, L., 2008). McComb Beverage (2012) suggest that when career development programs are not put into place during the adolescent stage, scholars may face difficulty making career choices upon graduation from high school. Mei, Newmeyer, and Wei (2008) conducted a study on the factors that influence a scholars career choices by analyzing the relationships among learning experiences, career self efficacy, career interest, and career choices. Mei, T., Newmeyer, M. D., Wei, P. (2008) found that interventions are needed to provide scholars with a comprehensive career development program that helps scholars develop self-efficacy in their desired careers through practical learning activities. In a study to understand the factors that influence enrollment in Career and Technical Education programs at an occupational center, Gene (2010) examined the human and other factors while exploring the most effective communication strategies that accurately present the advantages of Career and Technical Education. Gene (2010) found the factors that influenced scholars to enroll were having a high school career plan, earning credits toward high school graduation, and a job shadowing someone in the field where they were fascinated. McComb-Beverage (2012) found that self-efficacy can be an influential component to an adolescents career planning process. Supers (1992) life span theory depicts his life-span rainbow as a model for the practice of career development and counseling. The life span theory helps to develop conceptual design instruments for career assessments. A model of Career Development, Maturity, and Adaptability, Model of Importance and Determinants seeks to draw on matching theory and its knowledge base, on developmental theory and its wisdom, and on phenomenology or personal construct theory. It seeks, too, to portray what we know about person-environment interaction (Super, D. E., Osborne, L. W., Walsh, D. J. Brown, S., Niles, S. G., 1992). Career assessments including The Strong Inventory, The Career Development Inventory, The Adult Careers Concern Inventory, and the Saliency Inventory conceptualize the career interest of an individual (Super, Osborne, Walsh, Brown, Niles, 1992). North Carolina Career and Technical Education programs are required to provide a Career Development Plan (CDP) on all scholars when they are transitioning to postsecondary education that includes a variety of inventories to gauge the scholars career interests and learning abilities (NC 5-Year Career and Technical Education State Plan, 2008). Career counseling to enhance career development can be implemented within programs and institutions with the use of assessments and inventories as designed by Super (1992). McComb-Beverage (2012) found that lifespan coupled with an effective career development program can assist adolescents in creating realistic goals for the future. The learning style of individuals can also play a vital role in their course selections and their career and college goals because style of learning determines how an individual processes each new experience. As a model, Career, and decisions are influenced through lived experiences. Kolb and Yeganeh (2009) explained, For many, this learning style choice has become relatively unconscious, comprised of deeply patterned routines applied globally to learning situations. Mindfulness can put the control of learning back in the learners hands. Therefore, assessing scholar learning styles during the career development process can help guide scholars in making informed decisions during and after high school. Career guidance and a variety of inventories are essential tools for transition from school to work where Friedman (2007) suggests that individuals should be provided with tools that make them lifetime employable. In order for scholars to gain both Career and Technical Education and scholastic competences, scholars must be recruited into Career and Technical Education programs. If low enrollment becomes an issue for a Career and Technical Education, they could be held accountable for various performance standards, including scholastic gain. Low or declining enrollment is a concern for Career and Technical Education educators and administrators due to the standards mandated in the Carl D. Perkins Vocational and Applied Technology Act of 1998. Administrators in state agencies and local Career and Technical Education departments agree that accountability is the key aspect in Perkins III. Because Congress gave more flexibility to the states in dividing funds, they expected in return to see positive results from the supported Career and Technical Education programs. Therefore, through the accountability model, Career and Technical Education must show its contribution to scholarly achievement, progr am completion rates, and the placement of scholars in postsecondary education and the workforce. To meet accountability expectations, states had to develop systems that measure performance using three or four specific indicators. Social literacy contract. Historically, vocational education, now titled, Career and Technical Education began as an apprenticeship agreement for individuals to learn a skilled trade prior to entering the workforce (Lynch, 2006). In the early nineteen- hundreds, Career and Technical Education expanded into a program that was ultimately offered in schools to supply both the industrial and agricultural workforces with skilled workers. School reforms, such as the Smith-Hughes National Vocational Education Act of 1917, required specific skilled training to retain scholars in secondary schools and provide trained workers for semiskilled occupations (Gordon, Daggett, McCaslin, Parks, Castro, 2002). The landmark legislation, The Carl D. Perkins Act of 1984, confirmed politicians belief that Career and Technical Education is an considerable contributor both economically and socially. According to Gordon, Yocke, Maldonado, and Saddler (2007), the Perkins Act emphasized improvement in scholas tic achievement and the preparation of school-aged individuals for postsecondary education and work. Career and technical education is often viewed as way to prepare scholars of lower socioeconomic standing for the work force. This belief was characterized when a U.S. Department of Education employee characterized Career and Technical Education programs as preparing scholars for careers as shoe repairers (DAmico, 2003). The Career and Technical Education stereotype prevails in the minds of many administrators with the thinking, as Gray (2004) stated, It prepares scholars only for work after high school, and its scholars are mostly male, too often minorities, economically backward, and destined for dead-end jobs. The attitudes of administrators may not be overt in those stated beliefs. Those attitudes are unrecognized paradigms as deeply ingrained as are underlying sexist attitudes and racial attitudes. On April 24, 1997, former Assistant Secretary for Vocational and Adult Education Patricia W. McNeil addressed the Senate Labor and Human Resources Committee. In her statement, she discussed the importance of career and technical (vocational) education for the 21st century. McNeil stated: We need a new vision of vocational education if we ensure that scholars are prepared for the information age of the 21st century. That vision must reflect the rapidly changing demands of our economy and society brought on by new technologies, global competition, and changes in the organization of work. Our vision must reflect the knowledge and competences that workers, citizens, and family members will need to be abundance in a world that is dramatically different than the one that existed when we got our formal education. We must envision new kinds of schools. I believe it is considerable that we think about vocational education as an integral part of our achievements to reform secondary schools and improve postsecondary education. There has been an expansion of Career and Technical Education in the United

Rhetorical Analysis of Thoreau’s “Civil Disobedience” Essay

Directions: Read â€Å"Civil Disobedience.† As you read, underline examples of Thoreau using rhetorical devices and identify and explain the devices via annotation. Answer questions 1-4 to prepare for further work with a small group. The group will work together on questions 5 through 8. Be ready to explain your answers to the whole class. Even when you’re working as a group you should be writing the answers. 1. Based on your reading of â€Å"Civil Disobedience,† what kind of person does Henry David Thoreau seem to be? How would you characterize his state of mind and emotion as he composed this essay? Cite specific examples from the text to support your claims about Thoreau’s voice and persona. Voice = textual features such as diction and syntax, that contribute to a writer’s persona Syntax and tone are formal, academic, eloquent. Sentences tend to be longer, complex sentences punctuated with frequent commas and semicolons (to indicate pauses) which lends the pacing of a speech, almost as if even though we’re reading a written word, it’s Thoreau himself speaking to us, lecturing even. Also, parallelism (more precisely in the following example, anaphora): Yet this government never of itself furthered any enterprise, but by the alacrity with which it got out of its way. It does not keep the country free. It does not settle the West. It does not educate. The character inherent in the American people has done all that has been accomplished. (paragraph 2) (The last â€Å"It does not†¦Ã¢â‚¬  with the â€Å"The†¦American people has done† is antithesis) Diction is academic and intelligent, supporting the same tone mentioned above (â€Å"alac rity† is a lesser-known word for â€Å"speed†). Repeated use of the â€Å"machine† metaphor when referring to the government and politicians/lawyers who work for it. Sets up an â€Å"Us† (free-minded, free-thinking citizens who rebel against slavery) versus â€Å"Them† (the government machine and those who would support it, as well as those who talk but don’t act against it). He uses â€Å"We† a lot, further emphasizing this division against government, but also the unity of people who agree with his points, a â€Å"we’re in this together† kind of thing.  Repeated use of words associated with honorable, positive human qualities as well as those associated with evil and guilt: â€Å"tradition†¦integrity†¦vitality†¦force† versus â€Å"complicated machinery† (paragraph 2); â€Å"a corporation has no conscience†¦agents of injustice†¦damnable business†¦at the service of some unscrupulous man in power† (paragraph 4) Persona – the character that a writer/speaker conveys to the audience Anti-authority (at least rebellious against corrupted power). Anti-government. In favor of the rights of all free-thinking people. A bit of a â€Å"maverick†. Angry and in some cases, bitter at the government for injustice. Critical and mocking of people who claim they disagree with slavery but do nothing about it. 2. What does Thoreau do in â€Å"Civil Disobedience† to urge his readers to believe in him as a trustworthy, credible person? Point out specific passages where you felt Thoreau was (or was not) particularly believable (this gets at the ethos of the piece). Other examples of logos or pathos? A writer builds ethos (an appeal to the author’s credibility) by establishing himself as credible, believable, and trustworthy. 3. One device a writer can use to get a point across is metaphor. Thoreau uses metaphor extensively in â€Å"Civil Disobedience.† Notice, for example, what he compares machinery to or how he uses gaming metaphorically. Select two metaphors and explain, citing specific examples from the text, how they help Thoreau’s central idea become more vivid for his readers. The â€Å"machinery† metaphor is extended—used throughout the work: The â€Å"gaming† metaphor: (paragraph 12) â€Å"All voting is a sort of gaming, like checkers or backgammon, with a slight moral tinge to it, a playing with right and wrong, with moral questions; and betting naturally accompanies it†¦Even voting for the right is doing nothing for it. It is only expressing to men feebly your desire that it should prevail. A wise man will not leave the right to the mercy of chance, nor wish it to prevail through the power of the majority.† 4. How do you think Thoreau wanted his readers to react to the essay? What did he want them to feel? think? believe? do? How do you know? Identify specific places in the essay that help you determine Thoreau’s purpose. (paragraph 15) â€Å"†¦Some are petitioning the State to dissolve the Union, to disregard the requisitions of the President. Why do they not dissolve it themselves—the union between themselves and the State—and refuse to pay their quota into its treasury? (paragraph 17) â€Å"Unjust laws exist; shall we be content to obey them, or shall we endeavor to amend them, and obey them until we have succeeded, or shall we transgress them at once?† (paragraph 23) â€Å"†¦If the alternative is to keep all just men in prison, or give up war and slavery, the State will not hesitate which to choose. If a thousand men were not to pay their tax-bills this year, that would not be a violent and bloody measure, as it would be to pay them, and enable the State to commit violence and shed innocent blood.† 5. Using the questions below, divide the essay into functional parts (a part of text classified according to its function—for example, introduction, example, or counterargument). Label the parts and be prepared to support your answers. †¢ 1) the exordium: the web that draws listeners into the speech, the speaker would introduce the subject at hand and include material that would make the audience attentive and receptive to the argument. †¢ 2) the narration would offer background material on the case at hand †¢ 3) the partition would divide the case and make clear which part or parts the speaker was going to address, which parts the speaker would not take up and what order would be followed in the development †¢ 4) the confirmation would offer points to substantiate the argument and provide reasons, details, illustrations, and examples in support †¢ 5) the refutation would consider possible objections to the argument and try to counter these †¢ 6) the peroration would draw  together the entire argument and include material designed to compel the audience to think or act in a way related to the central argument a. Is there some section that clearly lets the reader know what subject the composition is about and what the writer’s purpose is? If so, where does this section begin and end? In this section, can you find an answer to the central question that the text has been written in response to, or can you find an indication of the text’s central argument? b. Is there a part that explains any background information that the reader needs to know in order to be able to understand the answer to the central question or argument that the composition offers? If so, where does this section begin and end? c. Is there some sentence or paragraph that focuses the reader’s attention on some particular issues, aspect, or theme that the paper examines as opposed to others that it could examine? d. Is there some section that purposefully sets out material in support of the paper’s answer to the central question of its argument? If so, where does this section begin and end? e. Is there a part that examines possible objections to the answer, argument, or supporting material? If so, where does this section begin and end? f. Is there a sentence or section where the writer specifically answers the â€Å"So what?† question? In other words, is there a section where the writer hints at what he or she hopes readers will think and do on the basis of what they have read in the text? 6. Using a functional part where Thoreau is supporting his argument, see how many of the following rhetorical methods you can identify. Cite the paragraph number and a few identifying phrases or sentences of specific text to identify the method: a. Relating anecdotes b. Describing scenes and evoking sensory images c. Defining terms and concepts d. Dividing the whole into parts e. Classifying the parts according to some principle or order f. Providing cause-and-effect reasoning 7. Select one specific paragraph that you believe represents the most interesting, most vivid passage in â€Å"Civil Disobedience.† Describe as much of the style of that passage as you can. For every stylistic feature you notice, explain what you see as its effect on 1) the appeal of the essay, 2) the credibility of Thoreau (ethos), or 3) the emotional or persuasive power of the piece (pathos). 8. Point out some ways you see Thoreau tapping into the â€Å"cultural memory† of his readers. (Cultural memory in modern rhetoric refers to the writer-reader connection. It has to do with how much knowledge, information, and data a writer has about his audience and their culture. A simple way of talking about this is to ask: what does a writer know about is readers and their lives, and how does he or she use it to further his writing purpose?). To what does the text refer or allude with the expectation that readers will know the reference or allusion? Are these references and allusions likely to appeal to and affect readers today in the same way they did when Thoreau used them?

Angels Demons Chapter 109-112

109 Meanwhile, in St. Peter's Square, the wall of Swiss Guards yelled orders and fanned outward, trying to push the crowds back to a safer distance. It was no use. The crowd was too dense and seemed far more interested in the Vatican's impending doom than in their own safety. The towering media screens in the square were now transmitting a live countdown of the antimatter canister – a direct feed from the Swiss Guard security monitor – compliments of the camerlegno. Unfortunately, the image of the canister counting down was doing nothing to repel the crowds. The people in the square apparently looked at the tiny droplet of liquid suspended in the canister and decided it was not as menacing as they had thought. They could also see the countdown clock now – a little under forty-five minutes until detonation. Plenty of time to stay and watch. Nonetheless, the Swiss Guards unanimously agreed that the camerlegno's bold decision to address the world with the truth and then provide the media with actual visuals of Illuminati treachery had been a savvy maneuver. The Illuminati had no doubt expected the Vatican to be their usual reticent selves in the face of adversity. Not tonight. Camerlegno Carlo Ventresca had proven himself a commanding foe. Inside the Sistine Chapel, Cardinal Mortati was getting restless. It was past 11:15 P.M. Many of the cardinals were continuing to pray, but others had clustered around the exit, clearly unsettled by the hour. Some of the cardinals began pounding on the door with their fists. Outside the door Lieutenant Chartrand heard the pounding and didn't know what to do. He checked his watch. It was time. Captain Rocher had given strict orders that the cardinals were not to be let out until he gave the word. The pounding on the door became more intense, and Chartrand felt uneasy. He wondered if the captain had simply forgotten. The captain had been acting very erratic since his mysterious phone call. Chartrand pulled out his walkie-talkie. â€Å"Captain? Chartrand here. It is past time. Should I open the Sistine?† â€Å"That door stays shut. I believe I already gave you that order.† â€Å"Yes, sir, I just – â€Å" â€Å"Our guest is arriving shortly. Take a few men upstairs, and guard the door of the Pope's office. The camerlegno is not to go anywhere.† â€Å"I'm sorry, sir?† â€Å"What is it that you don't understand, Lieutenant?† â€Å"Nothing, sir. I am on my way.† Upstairs in the Office of the Pope, the camerlegno stared in quiet meditation at the fire. Give me strength, God. Bring us a miracle. He poked at the coals, wondering if he would survive the night. 110 Eleven-twenty-three P.M. Vittoria stood trembling on the balcony of Castle St. Angelo, staring out across Rome, her eyes moist with tears. She wanted badly to embrace Robert Langdon, but she could not. Her body felt anesthetized. Readjusting. Taking stock. The man who had killed her father lay far below, dead, and she had almost been a victim as well. When Langdon's hand touched her shoulder, the infusion of warmth seemed to magically shatter the ice. Her body shuddered back to life. The fog lifted, and she turned. Robert looked like hell – wet and matted – he had obviously been through purgatory to come rescue her. â€Å"Thank you†¦Ã¢â‚¬  she whispered. Langdon gave an exhausted smile and reminded her that it was she who deserved thanks – her ability to practically dislocate her shoulders had just saved them both. Vittoria wiped her eyes. She could have stood there forever with him, but the reprieve was short-lived. â€Å"We need to get out of here,† Langdon said. Vittoria's mind was elsewhere. She was staring out toward the Vatican. The world's smallest country looked unsettlingly close, glowing white under a barrage of media lights. To her shock, much of St. Peter's Square was still packed with people! The Swiss Guard had apparently been able to clear only about a hundred and fifty feet back – the area directly in front of the basilica – less than one-third of the square. The shell of congestion encompassing the square was compacted now, those at the safer distances pressing for a closer look, trapping the others inside. They are too close! Vittoria thought. Much too close! â€Å"I'm going back in,† Langdon said flatly. Vittoria turned, incredulous. â€Å"Into the Vatican?† Langdon told her about the Samaritan, and how it was a ploy. The Illuminati leader, a man named Janus, was actually coming himself to brand the camerlegno. A final Illuminati act of domination. â€Å"Nobody in Vatican City knows,† Langdon said. â€Å"I have no way to contact them, and this guy is arriving any minute. I have to warn the guards before they let him in.† â€Å"But you'll never get through the crowd!† Langdon's voice was confident. â€Å"There's a way. Trust me.† Vittoria sensed once again that the historian knew something she did not. â€Å"I'm coming.† â€Å"No. Why risk both – â€Å" â€Å"I have to find a way to get those people out of there! They're in incredible dange – â€Å" Just then, the balcony they were standing on began to shake. A deafening rumble shook the whole castle. Then a white light from the direction of St. Peter's blinded them. Vittoria had only one thought. Oh my God! The antimatter annihilated early! But instead of an explosion, a huge cheer went up from the crowd. Vittoria squinted into the light. It was a barrage of media lights from the square, now trained, it seemed, on them! Everyone was turned their way, hollering and pointing. The rumble grew louder. The air in the square seemed suddenly joyous. Langdon looked baffled. â€Å"What the devil – â€Å" The sky overhead roared. Emerging from behind the tower, without warning, came the papal helicopter. It thundered fifty feet above them, on a beeline for Vatican City. As it passed overhead, radiant in the media lights, the castle trembled. The lights followed the helicopter as it passed by, and Langdon and Vittoria were suddenly again in the dark. Vittoria had the uneasy feeling they were too late as they watched the mammoth machine slow to a stop over St. Peter's Square. Kicking up a cloud of dust, the chopper dropped onto the open portion of the square between the crowd and the basilica, touching down at the bottom of the basilica's staircase. â€Å"Talk about an entrance,† Vittoria said. Against the white marble, she could see a tiny speck of a person emerge from the Vatican and move toward the chopper. She would never have recognized the figure except for the bright red beret on his head. â€Å"Red carpet greeting. That's Rocher.† Langdon pounded his fist on the banister. â€Å"Somebody's got to warn them!† He turned to go. Vittoria caught his arm. â€Å"Wait!† She had just seen something else, something her eyes refused to believe. Fingers trembling, she pointed toward the chopper. Even from this distance, there was no mistaking. Descending the gangplank was another figure†¦ a figure who moved so uniquely that it could only be one man. Although the figure was seated, he accelerated across the open square with effortless control and startling speed. A king on an electric throne. It was Maximilian Kohler. 111 Kohler was sickened by the opulence of the Hallway of the Belvedere. The gold leaf in the ceiling alone probably could have funded a year's worth of cancer research. Rocher led Kohler up a handicapped ramp on a circuitous route into the Apostolic Palace. â€Å"No elevator?† Kohler demanded. â€Å"No power.† Rocher motioned to the candles burning around them in the darkened building. â€Å"Part of our search tactic.† â€Å"Tactics which no doubt failed.† Rocher nodded. Kohler broke into another coughing fit and knew it might be one of his last. It was not an entirely unwelcome thought. When they reached the top floor and started down the hallway toward the Pope's office, four Swiss Guards ran toward them, looking troubled. â€Å"Captain, what are you doing up here? I thought this man had information that – â€Å" â€Å"He will only speak to the camerlegno.† The guards recoiled, looking suspicious. â€Å"Tell the camerlegno,† Rocher said forcefully, â€Å"that the director of CERN, Maximilian Kohler, is here to see him. Immediately.† â€Å"Yes, sir!† One of the guards ran off in the direction of the camerlegno's office. The others stood their ground. They studied Rocher, looking uneasy. â€Å"Just one moment, captain. We will announce your guest.† Kohler, however, did not stop. He turned sharply and maneuvered his chair around the sentinels. The guards spun and broke into a jog beside him. â€Å"Fermati! Sir! Stop!† Kohler felt repugnance for them. Not even the most elite security force in the world was immune to the pity everyone felt for cripples. Had Kohler been a healthy man, the guards would have tackled him. Cripples are powerless, Kohler thought. Or so the world believes. Kohler knew he had very little time to accomplish what he had come for. He also knew he might die here tonight. He was surprised how little he cared. Death was a price he was ready to pay. He had endured too much in his life to have his work destroyed by someone like Camerlegno Ventresca. â€Å"Signore!† the guards shouted, running ahead and forming a line across the hallway. â€Å"You must stop!† One of them pulled a sidearm and aimed it at Kohler. Kohler stopped. Rocher stepped in, looking contrite. â€Å"Mr. Kohler, please. It will only be a moment. No one enters the Office of the Pope unannounced.† Kohler could see in Rocher's eyes that he had no choice but to wait. Fine, Kohler thought. We wait. The guards, cruelly it seemed, had stopped Kohler next to a full-length gilded mirror. The sight of his own twisted form repulsed Kohler. The ancient rage brimmed yet again to the surface. It empowered him. He was among the enemy now. These were the people who had robbed him of his dignity. These were the people. Because of them he had never felt the touch of a woman†¦ had never stood tall to accept an award. What truth do these people possess? What proof, damn it! A book of ancient fables? Promises of miracles to come? Science creates miracles every day! Kohler stared a moment into his own stony eyes. Tonight I may die at the hands of religion, he thought. But it will not be the first time. For a moment, he was eleven years old again, lying in his bed in his parents' Frankfurt mansion. The sheets beneath him were Europe's finest linen, but they were soaked with sweat. Young Max felt like he was on fire, the pain wracking his body unimaginable. Kneeling beside his bed, where they had been for two days, were his mother and father. They were praying. In the shadows stood three of Frankfurt's best doctors. â€Å"I urge you to reconsider!† one of the doctors said. â€Å"Look at the boy! His fever is increasing. He is in terrible pain. And danger!† But Max knew his mother's reply before she even said it. â€Å"Gott wird ihn beschuetzen.† Yes, Max thought. God will protect me. The conviction in his mother's voice gave him strength. God will protect me. An hour later, Max felt like his whole body was being crushed beneath a car. He could not even breathe to cry. â€Å"Your son is in great suffering,† another doctor said. â€Å"Let me at least ease his pain. I have in my bag a simple injection of – † â€Å"Ruhe, bitte!† Max's father silenced the doctor without ever opening his eyes. He simply kept praying. â€Å"Father, please!† Max wanted to scream. â€Å"Let them stop the pain!† But his words were lost in a spasm of coughing. An hour later, the pain had worsened. â€Å"Your son could become paralyzed,† one of the doctors scolded. â€Å"Or even die! We have medicines that will help!† Frau and Herr Kohler would not allow it. They did not believe in medicine. Who were they to interfere with God's master plan? They prayed harder. After all, God had blessed them with this boy, why would God take the child away? His mother whispered to Max to be strong. She explained that God was testing him†¦ like the Bible story of Abraham†¦ a test of his faith. Max tried to have faith, but the pain was excruciating. â€Å"I cannot watch this!† one of the doctors finally said, running from the room. By dawn, Max was barely conscious. Every muscle in his body spasmed in agony. Where is Jesus? he wondered. Doesn't he love me? Max felt the life slipping from his body. His mother had fallen asleep at the bedside, her hands still clasped over him. Max's father stood across the room at the window staring out at the dawn. He seemed to be in a trance. Max could hear the low mumble of his ceaseless prayers for mercy. It was then that Max sensed the figure hovering over him. An angel? Max could barely see. His eyes were swollen shut. The figure whispered in his ear, but it was not the voice of an angel. Max recognized it as one of the doctors†¦ the one who had sat in the corner for two days, never leaving, begging Max's parents to let him administer some new drug from England. â€Å"I will never forgive myself,† the doctor whispered, â€Å"if I do not do this.† Then the doctor gently took Max's frail arm. â€Å"I wish I had done it sooner.† Max felt a tiny prick in his arm – barely discernible through the pain. Then the doctor quietly packed his things. Before he left, he put a hand on Max's forehead. â€Å"This will save your life. I have great faith in the power of medicine.† Within minutes, Max felt as if some sort of magic spirit were flowing through his veins. The warmth spread through his body numbing his pain. Finally, for the first time in days, Max slept. When the fever broke, his mother and father proclaimed a miracle of God. But when it became evident that their son was crippled, they became despondent. They wheeled their son into the church and begged the priest for counseling. â€Å"It was only by the grace of God,† the priest told them, â€Å"that this boy survived.† Max listened, saying nothing. â€Å"But our son cannot walk!† Frau Kohler was weeping. The priest nodded sadly. â€Å"Yes. It seems God has punished him for not having enough faith.† â€Å"Mr. Kohler?† It was the Swiss Guard who had run ahead. â€Å"The camerlegno says he will grant you audience.† Kohler grunted, accelerating again down the hall. â€Å"He is surprised by your visit,† the guard said. â€Å"I'm sure.† Kohler rolled on. â€Å"I would like to see him alone.† â€Å"Impossible,† the guard said. â€Å"No one – â€Å" â€Å"Lieutenant,† Rocher barked. â€Å"The meeting will be as Mr. Kohler wishes.† The guard stared in obvious disbelief. Outside the door to the Pope's office, Rocher allowed his guards to take standard precautions before letting Kohler in. Their handheld metal detector was rendered worthless by the myriad of electronic devices on Kohler's wheelchair. The guards frisked him but were obviously too ashamed of his disability to do it properly. They never found the revolver affixed beneath his chair. Nor did they relieve him of the other object†¦ the one that Kohler knew would bring unforgettable closure to this evening's chain of events. When Kohler entered the Pope's office, Camerlegno Ventresca was alone, kneeling in prayer beside a dying fire. He did not open his eyes. â€Å"Mr. Kohler,† the camerlegno said. â€Å"Have you come to make me a martyr?† 112 All the while, the narrow tunnel called Il Passetto stretched out before Langdon and Vittoria as they dashed toward Vatican City. The torch in Langdon's hand threw only enough light to see a few yards ahead. The walls were close on either side, and the ceiling low. The air smelled dank. Langdon raced on into the darkness with Vittoria close at his heels. The tunnel inclined steeply as it left the Castle St. Angelo, proceeding upward into the underside of a stone bastion that looked like a Roman aqueduct. There, the tunnel leveled out and began its secret course toward Vatican City. As Langdon ran, his thoughts turned over and over in a kaleidoscope of confounding images – Kohler, Janus, the Hassassin, Rocher†¦ a sixth brand? I'm sure you've heard about the sixth brand, the killer had said. The most brilliant of all. Langdon was quite certain he had not. Even in conspiracy theory lore, Langdon could think of no references to any sixth brand. Real or imagined. There were rumors of a gold bullion and a flawless Illuminati Diamond but never any mention of a sixth brand. â€Å"Kohler can't be Janus!† Vittoria declared as they ran down the interior of the dike. â€Å"It's impossible!† Impossible was one word Langdon had stopped using tonight. â€Å"I don't know,† Langdon yelled as they ran. â€Å"Kohler has a serious grudge, and he also has some serious influence.† â€Å"This crisis has made CERN look like monsters! Max would never do anything to damage CERN's reputation!† On one count, Langdon knew CERN had taken a public beating tonight, all because of the Illuminati's insistence on making this a public spectacle. And yet, he wondered how much CERN had really been damaged. Criticism from the church was nothing new for CERN. In fact, the more Langdon thought about it, the more he wondered if this crisis might actually benefit CERN. If publicity were the game, then antimatter was the jackpot winner tonight. The entire planet was talking about it. â€Å"You know what promoter P. T. Barnum said,† Langdon called over his shoulder. â€Å"‘I don't care what you say about me, just spell my name right!' I bet people are already secretly lining up to license antimatter technology. And after they see its true power at midnight tonight†¦Ã¢â‚¬  â€Å"Illogical,† Vittoria said. â€Å"Publicizing scientific breakthroughs is not about showing destructive power! This is terrible for antimatter, trust me!† Langdon's torch was fading now. â€Å"Then maybe it's all much simpler than that. Maybe Kohler gambled that the Vatican would keep the antimatter a secret – refusing to empower the Illuminati by confirming the weapon's existence. Kohler expected the Vatican to be their usual tight-lipped selves about the threat, but the camerlegno changed the rules.† Vittoria was silent as they dashed down the tunnel. Suddenly the scenario was making more sense to Langdon. â€Å"Yes! Kohler never counted on the camerlegno's reaction. The camerlegno broke the Vatican tradition of secrecy and went public about the crisis. He was dead honest. He put the antimatter on TV, for God's sake. It was a brilliant response, and Kohler never expected it. And the irony of the whole thing is that the Illuminati attack backfired. It inadvertently produced a new church leader in the camerlegno. And now Kohler is coming to kill him!† â€Å"Max is a bastard,† Vittoria declared, â€Å"but he is not a murderer. And he would never have been involved in my father's assassination.† In Langdon's mind, it was Kohler's voice that answered. Leonardo was considered dangerous by many purists at CERN. Fusing science and God is the ultimate scientific blasphemy. â€Å"Maybe Kohler found out about the antimatter project weeks ago and didn't like the religious implications.† â€Å"So he killed my father over it? Ridiculous! Besides, Max Kohler would never have known the project existed.† â€Å"While you were gone, maybe your father broke down and consulted Kohler, asking for guidance. You yourself said your father was concerned about the moral implications of creating such a deadly substance.† â€Å"Asking moral guidance from Maximilian Kohler?† Vittoria snorted. â€Å"I don't think so!† The tunnel banked slightly westward. The faster they ran, the dimmer Langdon's torch became. He began to fear what the place would look like if the light went out. Black. â€Å"Besides,† Vittoria argued, â€Å"why would Kohler have bothered to call you in this morning and ask for help if he is behind the whole thing?† Langdon had already considered it. â€Å"By calling me, Kohler covered his bases. He made sure no one would accuse him of nonaction in the face of crisis. He probably never expected us to get this far.† The thought of being used by Kohler incensed Langdon. Langdon's involvement had given the Illuminati a level of credibility. His credentials and publications had been quoted all night by the media, and as ridiculous as it was, the presence of a Harvard professor in Vatican City had somehow raised the whole emergency beyond the scope of paranoid delusion and convinced skeptics around the world that the Illuminati brotherhood was not only a historical fact, but a force to be reckoned with. â€Å"That BBC reporter,† Langdon said, â€Å"thinks CERN is the new Illuminati lair.† â€Å"What!† Vittoria stumbled behind him. She pulled herself up and ran on. â€Å"He said that!?† â€Å"On air. He likened CERN to the Masonic lodges – an innocent organization unknowingly harboring the Illuminati brotherhood within.† â€Å"My God, this is going to destroy CERN.† Langdon was not so sure. Either way, the theory suddenly seemed less far-fetched. CERN was the ultimate scientific haven. It was home to scientists from over a dozen countries. They seemed to have endless private funding. And Maximilian Kohler was their director. Kohler is Janus. â€Å"If Kohler's not involved,† Langdon challenged, â€Å"then what is he doing here?† â€Å"Probably trying to stop this madness. Show support. Maybe he really is acting as the Samaritan! He could have found out who knew about the antimatter project and has come to share information.† â€Å"The killer said he was coming to brand the camerlegno.† â€Å"Listen to yourself! It would be a suicide mission. Max would never get out alive.† Langdon considered it. Maybe that was the point. The outline of a steel gate loomed ahead, blocking their progress down the tunnel. Langdon's heart almost stopped. When they approached, however, they found the ancient lock hanging open. The gate swung freely. Langdon breathed a sigh of relief, realizing as he had suspected, that the ancient tunnel was in use. Recently. As in today. He now had little doubt that four terrified cardinals had been secreted through here earlier. They ran on. Langdon could now hear the sounds of chaos to his left. It was St. Peter's Square. They were getting close. They hit another gate, this one heavier. It too was unlocked. The sound of St. Peter's Square faded behind them now, and Langdon sensed they had passed through the outer wall of Vatican City. He wondered where inside the Vatican this ancient passage would conclude. In the gardens? In the basilica? In the papal residence? Then, without warning, the tunnel ended. The cumbrous door blocking their way was a thick wall of riveted iron. Even by the last flickers of his torch, Langdon could see that the portal was perfectly smooth – no handles, no knobs, no keyholes, no hinges. No entry. He felt a surge of panic. In architect-speak, this rare kind of door was called a senza chiave – a one-way portal, used for security, and only operable from one side – the other side. Langdon's hope dimmed to black†¦ along with the torch in his hand. He looked at his watch. Mickey glowed. 11:29 P.M. With a scream of frustration, Langdon swung the torch and started pounding on the door.

The Death of Emperor Montezuma

In November of 1519, Spanish invaders led by Hernan Cortes arrived in Tenochtitlan, the capital city of the Mexica (Aztecs). They were welcomed by Montezuma, the mighty Tlatoani (emperor) of his people. Seven months later, Montezuma was dead, possibly at the hands of his own people. What happened to the Emperor of the Aztecs? Montezuma II Xocoyotzà ­n, Emperor of the Aztecs Montezuma had been selected to be Tlatoani (the word means speaker) in 1502, the maximum leader of his people: his grandfather, father and two uncles had also been tlatoque (plural of tlatoani). From 1502 to 1519, Montezuma had proven himself to be an able leader in war, politics, religion, and diplomacy. He had maintained and expanded the empire and was lord of lands stretching from the Atlantic to the Pacific. Hundreds of conquered vassal tribes sent the Aztecs goods, food, weapons, and even slaves and captured warriors for sacrifice. Cortes and the Invasion of Mexico In 1519, Hernan Cortes and 600 Spanish conquistadors landed on Mexicos Gulf coast, establishing a base near the present-day city of Veracruz. They began slowly making their way inland, collecting intelligence through Cortes interpreter/mistress Doà ±a Marina (Malinche). They befriended disgruntled vassals of the Mexica and made an important alliance with the Tlaxcalans, bitter enemies of the Aztecs. They arrived in Tenochtitlan in November and were initially welcomed by Montezuma and his top officials. Capture of Montezuma The wealth of Tenochtitlan was astounding, and Cortes and his lieutenants began plotting how to take the city. Most of their plans involved capturing Montezuma and holding him until more reinforcements could arrive to secure the city. On November 14, 1519, they got the excuse they needed. A Spanish garrison left on the coast had been attacked by some representatives of the Mexica and several of them were killed. Cortes arranged a meeting with Montezuma, accused him of planning the attack, and took him into custody. Amazingly, Montezuma agreed, provided he be able to tell the story that he had voluntarily accompanied the Spanish back to the palace where they were lodged. Montezuma Captive Montezuma was still allowed to see his advisors and participate in his religious duties, but only with Cortes permission. He taught Cortes and his lieutenants to play traditional Mexica games and even took them hunting outside of the city. Montezuma seemed to develop a sort of Stockholm Syndrome, in which he befriended and sympathized with his captor, Cortes: when his nephew Cacama, lord of Texcoco, plotted against the Spanish, Montezuma heard of it and informed Cortes, who took Cacama prisoner. Meanwhile, the Spanish continually badgered Montezuma for more and more gold. The Mexica generally valued brilliant feathers more than gold, so much of the gold in the city was handed over to the Spanish. Montezuma even ordered the vassal states of the Mexica to send gold, and the Spaniards amassed an unheard-of fortune: it is estimated that by May they had collected eight tons of gold and silver. Massacre of Toxcatl and Return of Cortes In May of 1520, Cortes had to go to the coast with as many soldiers as he could spare to deal with an army led by Panfilo de Narvaez. Unbeknownst to Cortes, Montezuma had entered into a secret correspondence with Narvez and had ordered his coastal vassals to support him. When Cortes found out, he was furious, greatly straining his relationship with Montezuma. Cortes left his lieutenant Pedro de Alvarado in charge of Montezuma, other royal captives and the city of Tenochtitlan. Once Cortes was gone, the people of Tenochtitlan became restless, and Alvarado heard of a plot to murder the Spanish. He ordered his men to attack during the festival of Toxcatl on May 20, 1520. Thousands of unarmed Mexica, most of the members of the nobility, were slaughtered. Alvarado also ordered the murder of several important lords held in captivity, including Cacama. The people of Tenochtitlan were furious and attacked the Spaniards, forcing them to barricade themselves inside the Palace of Axayà ¡catl. Cortes defeated Narvaez in battle and added his men to his own. On June 24, this larger army returned to Tenochtitlan and was able to reinforce Alvarado and his embattled men. Death of Montezuma Cortes returned to a palace under siege. Cortes could not restore order, and the Spanish were starving, as the market had closed. Cortes ordered Montezuma to reopen the market, but the emperor said that he could not because he was a captive and no one listened to his orders anymore. He suggested that if Cortes freed his brother Cuitlahuac, also held prisoner, he might be able to get the markets to reopen. Cortes let Cuitlahuac go, but instead of reopening the market, the warlike prince organized an even fiercer attack on the barricaded Spaniards.   Unable to restore order, Cortes had a reluctant Montezuma hauled to the roof of the palace, where he pleaded with his people to stop attacking the Spanish. Enraged, the people of Tenochtitlan threw stones and spears at Montezuma, who was badly wounded before the Spanish were able to bring him back inside the palace. According to Spanish accounts, two or three days later, on June 29, Montezuma died of his wounds. He spoke to Cortes before dying and asked him to take care of his surviving children. According to native accounts, Montezuma survived his wounds but was murdered by the Spanish when it became clear that he was of no further use to them. It is impossible to determine today exactly how Montezuma died. Aftermath of Montezuma's Death With Montezuma dead, Cortes realized that there was no way he could hold the city. On June 30, 1520, Cortes and his men tried to sneak out of Tenochtitlan under cover of darkness. They were spotted, however, and wave after wave of fierce Mexica warriors attacked the Spaniards fleeing over the Tacuba causeway. About six hundred Spaniards (roughly half of Cortes army) were killed, along with most of his horses. Two of Montezumas children - which Cortes had just promised to protect - were slain alongside the Spaniards.  Some Spaniards were captured alive and sacrificed to the Aztec gods. Nearly all of the treasure was gone as well. The Spanish referred to this disastrous retreat as the Night of Sorrows. A few months later, reinforced by more conquistadors and Tlaxcalans, the Spanish would re-take the city, this time for good. Five centuries after his death, many modern Mexicans still blame Montezuma for poor leadership which led to the fall of the Aztec Empire. The circumstances of his captivity and death have much to do with this. Had Montezuma refused to allow himself to be taken captive, history would most likely have been very different. Most modern Mexicans have little respect for Montezuma, preferring the two leaders who came after him, Cuitlahuac and Cuauhtà ©moc, both of whom fought the Spanish fiercely. Sources Diaz del Castillo, Bernal. . Trans., ed. J.M. Cohen. 1576. London, Penguin Books, 1963. Hassig, Ross. Aztec Warfare: Imperial Expansion and Political Control. Norman and London: University of Oklahoma Press, 1988. Levy, Buddy. New York: Bantam, 2008. Thomas, Hugh . New York: Touchstone, 1993.